How the media promotes the lies leading us to Catastrophic War
John Pilger
The world faces the prospect of major war, but the truth is
turned upside down and inside out by journalists, including those who promoted
the lies that led to the Iraq bloodbath.
Why has so much journalism succumbed to propaganda? Why are
censorship and distortion standard practice? Why is the BBC so often a
mouthpiece of rapacious power? Why do the New York Times and the Washington
Post deceive their readers?
Why are young journalists not taught to understand media
agendas and to challenge the high claims and low purpose of fake objectivity?
And why are they not taught that the essence of so much of what's called the
mainstream media is not information, but power?
These are urgent questions. The world is facing the prospect
of major war, perhaps nuclear war - with the United States clearly determined
to isolate and provoke Russia and eventually China. This truth is being turned
upside down and inside out by journalists, including those who promoted the
lies that led to the bloodbath in Iraq in 2003.
The times we live in are so dangerous and so distorted in
public perception that propaganda is no longer, as Edward Bernays called it, an
"invisible government". It is the government. It rules directly
without fear of contradiction and its principal aim is the conquest of us: our
sense of the world, our ability to separate truth from lies.
The information age is actually a media age. We have war by
media; censorship by media; demonology by media; retribution by media;
diversion by media - a surreal assembly line of obedient clichés and false
assumptions.
This power to create a new "reality" has been
building for a long time. Forty-five years ago, a book entitled The Greening of
America caused a sensation. On the cover were these words: "There is a
revolution coming. It will not be like revolutions of the past. It will
originate with the individual."
I was a correspondent in the United States at the time and
recall the overnight elevation to guru status of the author, a young Yale
academic, Charles Reich. His message was that truth-telling and political
action had failed and only "culture" and introspection could change
the world.
Within a few years, driven by the forces of profit, the cult
of "me-ism" had all but overwhelmed our sense of acting together, our
sense of social justice and internationalism. Class, gender and race were
separated. The personal was the political, and the media was the message.
In the wake of the cold war, the fabrication of new
"threats" completed the political disorientation of those who, 20
years earlier, would have formed a vehement opposition.
In 2003, I filmed an interview in Washington with Charles
Lewis, the distinguished American investigative journalist. We discussed the
invasion of Iraq a few months earlier. I asked him, "What if the freest
media in the world had seriously challenged George Bush and Donald Rumsfeld and
investigated their claims, instead of channeling what turned out to be crude
propaganda?"
He replied that if we journalists had done our job
"there is a very, very good chance we would have not gone to war in
Iraq."
That's a shocking statement, and one supported by other
famous journalists to whom I put the same question. Dan Rather, formerly of
CBS, gave me the same answer. David Rose
of the Observer and senior journalists and producers in the BBC, who wished to
remain anonymous, gave me the same answer.
In other words, had journalists done their job, had they
questioned and investigated the propaganda instead of amplifying it, hundreds
of thousands of men, women and children might be alive today; and millions
might not have fled their homes; the sectarian war between Sunni and Shia might
not have ignited, and the infamous Islamic State might not now exist.
Even now, despite the millions who took to the streets in
protest, most of the public in western countries have little idea of the sheer
scale of the crime committed by our governments in Iraq. Even fewer are aware
that, in the 12 years before the invasion, the US and British governments set
in motion a holocaust by denying the civilian population of Iraq a means to
live.
Those are the words of the senior British official
responsible for sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s - a medieval siege that caused
the deaths of half a million children under the age of five, reported Unicef.
The official's name is Carne Ross. In the Foreign Office in London, he was
known as "Mr. Iraq". Today, he is a truth-teller of how governments
deceive and how journalists willingly spread the deception. "We would feed
journalists factoids of sanitised intelligence," he told me, "or we'd
freeze them out."
The main whistleblower during this terrible, silent period
was Denis Halliday. Then Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations and
the senior UN official in Iraq, Halliday resigned rather than implement
policies he described as genocidal. He
estimates that sanctions killed more than a million Iraqis.
What then happened to Halliday was instructive. He was airbrushed.
Or he was vilified. On the BBC's Newsnight programme, the presenter Jeremy
Paxman shouted at him: "Aren't you just an apologist for Saddam
Hussein?" The Guardian recently described this as one of Paxman's
"memorable moments". Last week, Paxman signed a £1 million book deal.
The handmaidens of suppression have done their job well.
Consider the effects. In 2013, a ComRes poll found that a majority of the
British public believed the casualty toll in Iraq was less than 10,000 - a tiny
fraction of the truth. A trail of blood that goes from Iraq to London has been
scrubbed almost clean.
Rupert Murdoch is said to be the godfather of the media mob,
and no one should doubt the augmented power of his newspapers - all 127 of
them, with a combined circulation of 40 million, and his Fox network. But the
influence of Murdoch's empire is no greater than its reflection of the wider
media.
The most effective propaganda is found not in the Sun or on
Fox News - but beneath a liberal halo. When the New York Times published claims
that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, its fake evidence was
believed, because it wasn't Fox News; it was the New York Times.
The same is true of the Washington Post and the Guardian,
both of which have played a critical role in conditioning their readers to
accept a new and dangerous cold war. All three liberal newspapers have
misrepresented events in Ukraine as a malign act by Russia - when, in fact, the
fascist led coup in Ukraine was the work of the United States, aided by Germany
and Nato.
This inversion of reality is so pervasive that Washington's
military encirclement and intimidation of Russia is not contentious. It's not
even news, but suppressed behind a smear and scare campaign of the kind I grew
up with during the first cold war.
Once again, the evil empire is coming to get us, led by
another Stalin or, perversely, a new Hitler. Name your demon and let rip.
The suppression of the truth about Ukraine is one of the
most complete news blackouts I can remember. The biggest Western military
build-up in the Caucasus and eastern Europe since world war two is blacked out.
Washington's secret aid to Kiev and its neo-Nazi brigades responsible for war
crimes against the population of eastern Ukraine is blacked out. Evidence that
contradicts propaganda that Russia was responsible for the shooting down of a
Malaysian airliner is blacked out.
And again, supposedly liberal media are the censors. Citing
no facts, no evidence, one journalist identified a pro-Russian leader in
Ukraine as the man who shot down the airliner. This man, he wrote, was known as
The Demon. He was a scary man who frightened the journalist. That was the
evidence.
Many in the western media have worked hard to present the
ethnic Russian population of Ukraine as outsiders in their own country, almost
never as Ukrainians seeking a federation within Ukraine and as Ukrainian
citizens resisting a foreign-orchestrated coup against their elected
government.
What the Russian president has to say is of no consequence;
he is a pantomime villain who can be abused with impunity. An American general
who heads Nato and is straight out of Dr. Strangelove - one General Breedlove -
routinely claims Russian invasions without a shred of visual evidence. His
impersonation of Stanley Kubrick's General Jack D. Ripper is pitch perfect.
Forty thousand Ruskies were massing on the border, according
to Breedlove. That was good enough for the New York Times, the Washington Post
and the Observer - the latter having previously distinguished itself with lies
and fabrications that backed Blair's invasion of Iraq, as its former reporter,
David Rose, revealed.
There is almost the joi d'esprit of a class reunion. The
drum-beaters of the Washington Post are the very same editorial writers who
declared the existence of Saddam's weapons of mass destruction to be "hard
facts".
"If you wonder," wrote Robert Parry, "how the
world could stumble into world war three - much as it did into world war one a
century ago - all you need to do is look at the madness that has enveloped
virtually the entire US political/media structure over Ukraine where a false
narrative of white hats versus black hats took hold early and has proved
impervious to facts or reason."
Parry, the journalist who revealed Iran-Contra, is one of
the few who investigate the central role of the media in this "game of
chicken", as the Russian foreign minister called it. But is it a game? As
I write this, the US Congress votes on Resolution 758 which, in a nutshell,
says: "Let's get ready for war with Russia."
In the 19th century, the writer Alexander Herzen described
secular liberalism as "the final religion, though its church is not of the
other world but of this". Today, this divine right is far more violent and
dangerous than anything the Muslim world throws up, though perhaps its greatest
triumph is the illusion of free and open information.
In the news, whole countries are made to disappear. Saudi
Arabia, the source of extremism and
western-backed terror, is not a story, except when it drives down the price of
oil. Yemen has endured twelve years of American drone attacks. Who knows? Who
cares?
It's 100 years since the First World War. Reporters then
were rewarded and knighted for their silence and collusion. At the height of
the slaughter, British prime minister David Lloyd George confided in C.P.
Scott, editor of the Manchester Guardian: "If people really knew [the
truth] the war would be stopped tomorrow, but of course they don't know and
can't know."
It's time they knew.
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