As warfare becomes increasingly digitalised, the debate of how data is and can be used for becomes ever important.
Drone technology has been debated in the Danish media for quite some time already. Although the focus has primarily been on ‘armed drones’, the possibilities offered by ‘surveillance drones’ has also been mentioned. Yet, as recent debates demonstrate, this distinction is not as simple as is sometimes made out to be. Moreover, two features are arguably contributing to changing the terms of debate about drones in Denmark. Finally, broader questions concerning the global political context have arguably received unhelpfully little attention.
A critical aspect of recent debates concerns the issue of intelligence-sharing that blurs this distinction. Notably, the alleged Danish involvement in supplying the intelligence for the US drone attack on al-Qaeda cleric Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen in 2011 sparked public debate over the legality and morality of Danish support for the US use of drones in the killing of suspected terrorists. Yet this did not lead to any clarification of the political stance towards the use of drones. Similarly, the Danish government announced in 2012 that it would rejoin the high-profile NATO smart defence Alliance Ground Surveillance (AGS) programme and, furthermore, Danish pension funds have invested in drone development programmes since such investments offer substantial returns for their clients.
As such, the drone debate in Denmark is not simply about whether Denmark should acquire more drones but rather about the need to define rules for how drones – and the data they produce – can be used.
Secondly, the international situation is now such that a number of international players – including China, Saudi Arabia and India – are in possession of drones. The longer the US uses drone technology as it pleases – that is, with minimal transparency and legality – the more this prepares the world for a setting in which other states in possession of drones can point to the US and claim that they also have a right to deploy drones to neutralise whoever they define as their enemy. Not only is this likely to affect internal security situations in the countries that have drones at their disposal; it may also cause friction with neighbouring countries. Issues of privacy aside, there are strong strategic incentives for why a widely recognised set of rules about the application of drones should be agreed upon at this juncture, rather than later.
Together, these two factors produce an international context that arguably pushes Danish decision-makers to take a stance not only on the issue of whether to acquire more drones, but also on the more critical issue of how to deploy such drones and perhaps on whose side “we” are on when it comes to issues of legality, insofar as that will be the new terms of debate.
Indicative of larger questions
Arguably, the relevance of the drone debate lies not only in the specifics of the technology but also, and perhaps more importantly, in how drones are used within a broader political environment that continues to deploy the ‘War on Terror’ as legitimate. In this context, a crucial question that is sometimes neglected in current debates is the question of the extent to which this rhetoric and the ‘exceptional’ measures that it legitimises are still acceptable more than ten years after 9/11 and nearly two years after the killing of Osama bin Laden. Even if legal frameworks were to be defined for the use of drone technology, one could worry that, for as long as a ‘War on Terror’ rhetoric is evoked to legitimate exceptional measure, such legal frameworks will be of little use. This aspect has arguably received too little attention in current debates about drone technology.
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The authors are researchers at the Danish Institute for International Studies.
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