A Grand Plan to Do Nothing
By George Monbiot
The government’s 25 Year Environment Plan is a work of
cowardice
It’s as if it were written with an angel on one shoulder and
a devil on the other. In terms of rhetoric, the 25 Year Environment Plan is in
some respects the best government document I’ve ever read. In terms of policy,
it ranges from the pallid to the pathetic.
Those who wrote it are aware of the multiple crises we face.
But, having laid out the depth and breadth of our predicaments, they propose to
do almost nothing about them. Reading the plan, I can almost hear the internal
dialogue: “Yes, let’s change the world! Hang on a minute, what about our
commitment to slashing regulations? What about maximising economic growth? What
would the Conservatives’ major funders have to say about it? Oh all right,
let’s wave our hands around instead.”
For example, it makes bold and stirring statements about the
need to keep the soil on the land (it’s compacting and eroding at horrendous
rates in the UK), then proposes only “working with the industry to update the
2001 guidance”, spending £200,000 on developing new metrics and “investigating
the potential” for research and monitoring. It would have been more honest to
say “we propose to nod sagely and look very serious.”
The plan acknowledges that our trees and other plants are
severely threatened by introduced pests and diseases, from a cross-border trade
that creates far less income and employment than the industries it jeopardises.
The obvious – and perhaps only – answer is to ban the import of live plants not
propagated from tissue culture. But the ideology to which the government
subscribes requires a total ban on banning. So instead the plan proposes to
“work with partners to raise awareness” and to “encourage the development” of
better biosecurity. Working with industry and asking nicely are fine in some
circumstances. In others, you just have to say “stop”.
The plan writes touchingly about the benefits of re-engaging
children with nature. It somehow forgets to mention that, due to government
cuts, most local authority funding for adventure learning and outdoor education
has been cut. It proposes to spend £10 million – a tiny fraction of the money
that has disappeared in recent years – on introducing children to the alien
world beyond the blackboard and the screen. This might be enough to reach about
1% of our kids.
It acknowledges the crisis in our seas, but says nothing
about expanding the 0.01% of our territorial waters that is free from
commercial fishing. Our magnificent marine life – especially the creatures of
the sea floor – cannot recover unless such areas are greatly enhanced:
scientific assessments suggest they should cover some 30% of the seas. Are the
encouraging noises the environment secretary, Michael Gove, has been making
since his appointment mere distractions?
Even the plan’s headline policy, cutting plastic waste and
“making the UK a world leader in resource efficiency”, is feeble by comparison
to the scale of the crisis. A plastic free aisle in supermarkets will not
deliver a plastic free isle. But perhaps the reliance on such gimmicks is
unsurprising, when you remember that, before the election, oil bosses gave the
Conservative party £390,000 in political donations. Oil companies have poured $180
billion into new plastic production facilities over the past seven years: they
are unlikely to fund a party that thwarts their expectation of profits.
Such considerations might also help to explain an
extraordinary omission from the plan: there is no mention of fracking. Given
that the only sustained solution to climate breakdown, which the document
claims to take seriously, is leaving fossil fuels in the ground, the
government’s support for finding and extracting yet more of them cannot be
justified. So let’s ignore it and hope no one notices.
This is not to say that there is nothing good in the plan.
Its commitment to reintroducing missing species – or at least assessing the
potential – is a major shift in policy. Until recently, native animals that have
become extinct were officially classified as non-native and scheduled for
extermination. The government’s proposal for a Nature Recovery Network and its
interest in the “dynamic management of nature” (it gives the example of the
Knepp estate in Sussex) could also signal a major shift from our dismal,
unambitious and anally retentive conservation policies. It’s the first
significant step I’ve seen from any government of this country towards
rewilding. If only such fresh thinking were evident in other sectors.
But anything positive that emerges from this plan will be
undermined by the oxymoron at its heart: the vision of “clean growth” on which
it is built. We now know that the absolute decoupling of resource use from
economic growth is an illusion, and even relative decoupling – consuming less
per unit of growth – is slight and unreliable. The more an economy grows, the
more resources it will consume. If it’s not plastic, it will be cardboard, and
the cardboard is likely to be made from chewed-up rainforest. Clamp down on the
use of cardboard, and something else will take its place. An economy that keeps
growing on a planet that does not will inevitably burst through environmental
limits, however sincere a government might be about seeking to reduce its impacts.
The big conversation we need within government has still not
begun. The plastic bottle has been kicked down the road.
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